Thomas Becket: Warrior, Priest, Rebel
Thomas Becket: Warrior, Priest, Rebel book cover

Thomas Becket: Warrior, Priest, Rebel

Hardcover – Deckle Edge, July 3, 2012

Price
$27.58
Format
Hardcover
Pages
448
Publisher
Random House
Publication Date
ISBN-13
978-1400069071
Dimensions
6.65 x 1.43 x 9.59 inches
Weight
1.75 pounds

Description

Review PRAISE FROM THE U.K. FOR JOHN GUY’S THOMAS BECKET “[A] suspenseful, meticulously researched biography . . . [John] Guy’s biography scintillates with energetic scene-setting, giving us wherever possible a tactile, visual feel for early medieval England, and London especially. His portraits of [Thomas Becket and King Henry II], from the early period of their relationship, are subtle and telling. . . . Guy’s account of this titanic struggle between two great egoists of English history breathes new life into an oft-told tale of throne and altar antagonism, with its complex undercurrents of money, politics, religion and shocking violence. However well you think you know the story, it is well worth the read.” —Financial Times “[Guy’s] new study of Becket is a triumph: a beautifully layered portrait of one of the most complex characters in English history, which gives a new narrative coherence to a very peculiar life. . . . It is to Guy’s immense credit that he has written such a lively, effortlessly readable biography—a book that not only corrects many historical errors and uncertainties, but merits reading more than once, for the sheer joy of its superb storytelling.” —The Times “[A] fine and thought-provoking book . . . The worldly man of power did not become an ascetic overnight; instead—as Guy brilliantly demonstrates through a forensic examination of the texts Becket studied—the new archbishop experienced an intellectual and spiritual reawakening, as his highly strung mind grappled with the gravity of his responsibilities.” —The Sunday Times About the Author John Guy studied history at Clare College, Cambridge, and became a lecturer on early modern British history and Renaissance political thought. He has held academic positions in Britain and the United States throughout his career and is still a Fellow in history at Clare College, Cambridge, and teaches on the Yale in London program at the Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art. He appears regularly on BBC Radio and has presented five documentaries for BBC2 television. He also writes and reviews for various newspapers and magazines, including The Sunday Times, The Guardian, and The Economist . Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved. 1ANCESTRYArchbishop Thomas Becket, who for four centuries after his gruesome murder in Canterbury Cathedral would be nicknamed “lux Londoniarum” (the light of the Londoners), was the only surviving son of Gilbert and Matilda Becket, born very probably when the wreck of the White Ship was still the hottest news in town. The time was the afternoon of St. Thomas the Apostle’s Day (December 21); the place a large house in Cheapside standing on the fief of the Marmion family, to whom a substantial annual quitrent was due.Lying on the north side of Cheapside between Ironmonger Lane and Old Jewry, the Beckets’ house was within earshot of the busiest street market in London. Most likely it was built of wood and limestone with narrow, unglazed windows. Its main living areas were the open hall, or main reception area, warmed by a central stone hearth, with a private chamber to the side where the family lived, slept, and entertained their closest friends and relatives. The open hall was lit by wax tapers, was furnished with trestle tables and stools, and had washing bowls and basins suitably positioned by the door or in an alcove. Servants, who waited on the family and prepared their meals, slept in the hall. Beneath the house was an undercroft, or cellar, perhaps serving as a warehouse to store goods. Possibly the kitchen was at one end of the hall behind a wooden screen, maybe outside in an annex to minimize the risk of fire. Water for cooking and washing was drawn from a private well or purchased from one of the city’s many water carriers, who scooped river water from the Thames into leather pouches, selling them door-to-door. Soap was generally made from ashes, and the Beckets cleaned their teeth using green hazel shoots before polishing them with woolen cloths.While Gilbert and Matilda’s open hall was apparently larger than average, their living chamber may have been fairly cramped. Working back from documents compiled in 1227–28, it can be estimated that the property had a street frontage of 40 feet, a rear width of 110 feet, and a depth of 165 feet, but the greater portion of this area was taken up by a garden. The same documents show that the adjacent houses were approached via gatehouses and provided with outdoor latrines flowing into cesspits, so perhaps the Beckets’ house had such amenities too.Baptized in the nearby parish church of St. Mary Colechurch, Thomas was named after the apostle whose festival it was. His godparents promised to protect him from “fire and water and other perils” until he was seven and teach him the Lord’s Prayer, the Ave Maria (Hail Mary), and the Apostles’ Creed. Following time-hallowed rituals, the priest dipped Thomas in the font, then placed his thumb in holy oil, making the sign of the cross on the baby’s forehead, shoulders, and chest, before wrapping him in a “chrism cloth,” a white linen christening robe, as a symbol of purity and to keep him warm.Whereas baptism usually took place when a newborn child was a few days old, Thomas was brought to the church by a midwife or nurse within hours of his birth, suggesting he may have appeared weak or sickly, or perhaps his parents had lost an earlier child and were determined to make sure their son was christened at once. His father was present at the church but not his mother, since canon (or church) law forbade a newly delivered woman to enter a consecrated space until she had been ritually purified in a special ceremony some forty days after her lying-in.Around the year 1110, Gilbert and Matilda Becket had joined settlers from Rouen, the chief city of the Norman dukes, who had flocked to London, enticed by the city’s expanding trade. Most likely Gilbert was a draper’s merchant, since Cheapside and its environs were inhabited mainly by goldsmiths and those dealing wholesale in textiles, and Gilbert is known not to have been a goldsmith. Although they came from Rouen, their exact birthplaces are disputed. William fitz Stephen (no relation to the skipper of the White Ship), also born to Norman parents in London and one of Thomas Becket’s early biographers, says that Gilbert came from a fairly humble family living close to Thierville in the valley of the Risle, not far from Bec Abbey, some twenty-five miles from Rouen. An anonymous Canterbury monk says that Gilbert’s family was from Rouen itself and that Matilda (who is sometimes called Rose) was most likely born and raised in Caen. Married at around the age of twenty, the couple immigrated to England soon after their wedding.The surname Becket usually means “little beak” or “beak-face,” and young Thomas is known to have had an aquiline nose, probably inherited from his father. But it is far more likely that Becket derives from Bec, as in Bec Abbey. Surnames were optional in medieval society, and few people regularly used them. Gilbert and Matilda’s eldest daughter, Agnes, was among them, calling herself Becket even after her marriage, but her brother never used the name, and when he is so addressed by others, it is usually derogatory. Before entering royal service, he preferred to call himself “Thomas of London” and afterward “Thomas the chancellor” or “Thomas the archbishop.” Just one chronicler, Roger of Howden, refers to him in the modern way, as Thomas Becket, and then only once.One of the most enduring and tantalizingly romantic myths about Thomas is that his mother was a Saracen princess. Still often repeated as true, the story first became part of the Becket legend as the result of an interpolation in a corrupt medieval manuscript first printed at Paris in 1495. The same story appears in a chronicle attributed to John of Brompton, abbot of Jervaulx. Gilbert, it is said, had traveled on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem as a young man, attended only by a servant. While praying one day in a church, he was surprised by a party of Saracens, who abducted him and led him into slavery. Held for a year and a half, he suffered great hardships but slowly ingratiated himself with his captors, who allowed him to come to their table, where he explained to them the customs and manners of the Europeans. The Saracen lord’s daughter took a fancy to him and secretly visited him in prison, offering to become a Christian if he would make her his bride. When a few months later he broke free from his chains and managed to escape in the company of some merchants, she followed him. Arriving in London alone and knowing no words in French or English besides “London” and “Becket,” she walked the streets desperately, mocked by bemused children, until by pure chance she was recognized by Gilbert’s servant. Reluctant at first to marry her, but eager to see her baptized, Gilbert sought advice from the bishop of London, who, “perceiving the hand of God visibly concerned in the affair,” decided to baptize her the next day. After the ceremony at St. Paul’s--conducted by six bishops--she and Gilbert were married, and Thomas was conceived overnight.Edward Grim, once the rector of the parish of Saltwood in Kent, who went on to write one of Becket’s early biographies, claims that Matilda Becket experienced a series of mystical visions around the time her son was born. Since he did not even know the family then, he was almost certainly using a hagiographer’s trick to signal his subject’s future greatness. In her first vision, Matilda is said to have felt the whole of the river Thames flowing within her. Seeking an explanation from soothsayers, she learned that “the one who is born to you will rule over many people.” Next she dreamed of going on a pilgrimage to Canterbury, but when she attempted to enter the cathedral, her womb swelled so large that she could not pass through the door. Her final vision concerned a blanket that magically and continually expanded. Seeing her baby lying uncovered in his cot, mother and nurse attempted to unravel the blanket, “but they found the chamber too cramped for this purpose and the larger hall too, and even the street.” Finally a voice from heaven thundered, “All your efforts are useless. The whole of England is smaller than this purple cloth and cannot contain it.”When he was forty-six, Thomas would describe his parents as “citizens of London, not by any means the lowest, living without dispute in the midst of their fellow citizens.” Slights against his ancestry--of which he would receive many over the course of his eventful life--always stung him. “I prefer,” he would say, “to be a man in whom nobility of mind creates nobility, rather than one in whom nobility of birth degenerates. Perhaps I was born in a humble cottage, but through the aid of divine mercy . . . I lived very well indeed in my poverty.” And he would fearlessly defend his family’s honor when he felt it unfairly impugned. “What do family trees produce?” he would ask. “Which is more praiseworthy, to be born of middle-class or even more lowly stock, or to be born from the great and honored of the world, when St. Paul would say, ‘Those parts of the body which we think less honorable we invest with the greater honor’?”The description “middle-class” fits his parents perfectly. A prosperous London citizen, Gilbert was at best the son of a lesser knight or of a free agricultural tenant, but was at least a freeman’s son at a time when the overwhelming majority of the Norman and English populations were tied laborers or peasants. Around thirty years old when Thomas was born, Gilbert would afterward rise to become one of the four sheriffs, or chief officers, of London. (The post of mayor did not yet exist.) The relationship between the Crown and city was close, and the sheriffs were its linchpins. William the Conqueror had relied on them to collect the city’s annual “farm,” or tax, and to keep order. His son William Rufus had expected them to pay for knights, for repairs to London Bridge after it had been severely damaged by a flood, and for the costs of building his magnificent “new hall” at Westminster beside the abbey. Half a century would elapse before the Normans would feel wholly secure within the city, but King Henry I would regularly stay there. Most likely Gilbert ranked among the fifty or so leaders of London’s civic elite.Thomas Becket, who spent most of the first twenty-five years of his life in or around the city, was in many of his habits and values a Londoner even after he had left to make a career elsewhere. Proud of their adopted home, the Norman immigrant families of his parents’ generation had swiftly assimilated into civic society. With their underlying values of meritocracy and a self-governing community, Londoners believed passionately that they should be governed by themselves, remaining free to arrange things in their own interests and not in those of the lord who happened to own the land on which their houses were built. A rudimentary civic government and a representative assembly had existed since before the Conquest, when the citizens had gathered three times a year in the “folkmoot” to regulate their own affairs. So Londoners had a long-established tradition of self-government.Early in his reign, William the Conqueror had confirmed these freedoms, which included the right to punish offenses committed on market days and to enforce the bargains made. The citizens then purchased a much amplified charter from Henry I, allowing them to elect their own sheriffs and hear lawsuits in their own civic courts. To improve their trade, they secured exemption from the tolls and customs duties imposed on them by other English cities or seaports. And to encourage their cooperation with the Crown, the king agreed to reduce their annual tax, while the royal family showed its generosity in other ways. Shortly before Thomas was born, Henry’s first wife, Queen Matilda, had founded a new public bathhouse and latrine complex in the city, together with a leper hospital outside the walls.Thriving chiefly on its commerce, London was a trading city and a major seaport. Ships could navigate the Thames as far as London Bridge, where cargoes traveling farther upstream had to be unloaded and transferred to smaller vessels on the other side of the bridge. Wharves and landings (or stairs) were scattered along the banks of the river, since each “lord” and district had their own. Wherries and ferryboats shuttled people, horses, fish, grain, and every type of merchandise from one bank to the other. Regulating trade themselves, the citizens had made sure, since 984–85 in the reign of King Æthelred, that ships landing fish at London Bridge would be expected to pay a toll. Within a century, merchants from Normandy and France, Flanders, Italy and Germany, Gascony, and the Mediterranean would be flocking to London, where they were required to display their wares to the customs officials on arrival and pay tolls on the wharf or on board their ships.Increasingly the hub of a national network supplying food and commodities, London took advantage of a transport system based on ancient river routes and the old Roman roads. These roads, though full of potholes and poorly maintained, were adequate for sledges, carts, or wagons drawn by oxen or packhorses. Heavier loads were more suited to the river routes, which chiefly ran north along the Lea deep into leafy Hertfordshire; upstream along the Thames into Berkshire and Oxfordshire; or downstream along the coasts of Essex and Kent, and then onward by sea to the ports of East Anglia and Lincolnshire, and north toward Newcastle and Scotland.Occupying an area slightly more than three hundred acres, the city looked very much like an irregular half ellipse nestled on the Thames, enclosed on the northern, or land, side by the old Roman walls but occasionally spilling outside, mainly to the south and west, into Middlesex and Surrey to create the suburbs of Southwark and Westminster. Although the old Roman walls had become dilapidated, with many gaps and holes, the core remained largely intact except along the riverbank, where everything had collapsed into the mud. Accordingly, access by road was through one of seven gateways, which were surmounted by lofty towers, or keeps, regularly used as prisons. Locked and barred at night to keep out thieves, four of the gates had a central opening for carts, with a passage for those on foot on either side, leaving three for pedestrians only.The original Roman bridge had crossed the Thames near Fish Street Hill, the lowest point at which such a wide and fast-flowing tidal stream could be spanned. Its pre-Conquest replacement, built of timber and broad enough for two wagons to pass each other, was still standing in Thomas Becket’s lifetime, though in constant need of repairs. Always the key point of entry to the city from Southwark and the south bank, this bridge played a crucial role in London’s economy and defenses, for it would take another fifty years to get a project for a new stone bridge off the ground. Read more

Features & Highlights

  • A revisionist new biography reintroducing readers to one of the most subversive figures in English history—the man who sought to reform a nation, dared to defy his king, and laid down his life to defend his sacred honor
  • Becket’s life story has been often told but never so incisively reexamined and vividly rendered as it is in John Guy’s hands. The son of middle-class Norman parents, Becket rose against all odds to become the second most powerful man in England. As King Henry II’s chancellor, Becket charmed potentates and popes, tamed overmighty barons, and even personally led knights into battle. After his royal patron elevated him to archbishop of Canterbury in 1162, however, Becket clashed with the King. Forced to choose between fealty to the crown and the values of his faith, he repeatedly challenged Henry’s authority to bring the church to heel. Drawing on the full panoply of medieval sources, Guy sheds new light on the relationship between the two men, separates truth from centuries of mythmaking, and casts doubt on the long-held assumption that the headstrong rivals were once close friends. He also provides the fullest accounting yet for Becket’s seemingly radical transformation from worldly bureaucrat to devout man of God.   Here is a Becket seldom glimpsed in any previous biography, a man of many facets and faces: the skilled warrior as comfortable unhorsing an opponent in single combat as he was negotiating terms of surrender; the canny diplomat “with the appetite of a wolf” who unexpectedly became the spiritual paragon of the English church; and the ascetic rebel who waged a high-stakes contest of wills with one of the most volcanic monarchs of the Middle Ages. Driven into exile, derided by his enemies as an ungrateful upstart, Becket returned to Canterbury in the unlikeliest guise of all: as an avenging angel of God, wielding his power of excommunication like a sword. It is this last apparition, the one for which history remembers him best, that will lead to his martyrdom at the hands of the king’s minions—a grisly episode that Guy recounts in chilling and dramatic detail.   An uncommonly intimate portrait of one of the medieval world’s most magnetic figures,
  • Thomas Becket
  • breathes new life into its subject—cementing for all time his place as an enduring icon of resistance to the abuse of power.
  • NAMED ONE OF THE BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR BY
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Most Helpful Reviews

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Excellent - Should Become The Definitive Biography Of Saint Thomas Becket

This is an excellent book which will probably become the definitive biography of Saint Thomas Becket, who was murdered in Canterbury Cathedral in 1170.

John Guy writes well and his research is extensive. His interpretations of the original sources and evidence are all reasonable and persuasive.

Guy presents the disagreement between Henry II and Thomas Becket for what it was: an Archbishop standing up to a King in defence of the Church's rights and autonomy. In Guy's view, Henry II comes across as a untrustworthy, oppressive tyrant who wanted to subordinate and control the Church in his kingdom for his own political purposes. When Henry II appointed his Chancellor, Thomas Becket, as Archbishop of Canterbury, he expected Becket to accomplish this for him. Instead, Becket took his role as Archbishop as meaning his first allegiance was to God and the Church instead of to King Henry II. In Becket's view, his position as Archbishop of Canterbury meant he was still a subject of the King but his first allegiance was to God and the Church.

The story is a fascinating study of the relationship between Church and state in medieval Europe, 12th century European politics, and philosophical questions such as the duty of subjects/citizens toward tyrannical and oppressive rulers. It's also a very interesting study of a man who stood up for what he believed to be his duty in the face of often overbearing and relentless pressure.

Although Henry VIII later accomplished what Henry II wanted to accomplish through Becket, Thomas Becket's stand against Henry II had a major effect on European history. The story is still relevant today. It's a fascinating story told in a well written, well researched biography. Highly recommended!
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No Villains, No Heroes, No New Thing Under the Sun

Many English historians, from Baron Lyttleton all the way down to Simon Schama, have chosen to portray Henry II, the first monarch of the three hundred thirty-some year Plantagenet Dynasty, as a noble, farsighted, just ruler, in fact the founder, as it were, of modern English jurisprudence, who died heartbroken by the betrayals of his perfidous, power-hungry sons. These same sources are likewise apt to present Thomas Becket, Henry's one-time Chancellor and later Archbishop of Canterbury, as an opportunistic "actor-bishop" primarily concerned with the maintenance and increase of his own power, and perhaps in later life misled by a misguided, idealistic notion of the powers and independence of the Roman Catholic Church above and beyond the reach of the King's government. Granted, there must be elements of truth in both these portrayals, but as John Guy persuasively argues in this excellent volume, they by no means reveal the entire story. The characters and personalities of both Henry and Thomas were much too complex to fit neatly into one-paragraph biographical blurbs.

Henry's quarrel with Becket after his ordination as a priest and consecration as Archbishop is generally thought to have arisen from the Church's claim to the right above and beyond the power of the State to adjudicate the cases of, and punish, so-called "criminous clerks": that is, those in any sort of holy orders, from ordained priest all the way down to simple crucifer or lector, who had committed civil crimes. Often these criminous clerks are portrayed by historians as getting away virtually with murder and then being shielded from the civil law by the Church, but as Guy proves, in reality it was not always so. In the Church Courts of both Becket and his predecessor at Canterbury, Theobald, severe crimes were dealt with mostly by extended terms of imprisonment, sometimes for life, and the performance of penances which were by no means easy. Sometimes guilty criminals were even blinded at a Church Court's orders. The only difference in this regard between a twelfth-century Bishop's Court and a King's Court was in the application of the death penalty, which the church did not technically practice without handing a convicted criminal over to the secular arm. In other words, Thomas Becket wanted to imprison criminous clerks, while King Henry--who, by the way, was quite as ready to break oaths as the worst of his sons, and who was known to torture information out of the servants of his perceived enemies even in the cases of young child pages--wanted to hang or butcher them. Henry's sensibility in this matter does not translate well to modern eyes, and of course neither does he appear particularly enlightened. In fact, Guy argues, there is far more evidence to suggest that Henry's real ambition was to mold the Church in his domains into a regional body less dependent upon Rome than subservient to his will--and that he had Thomas appointed Archbishop because he thought that Becket would help him carry his plan into effect. As it happened, this occurence had to wait nearly four hundred more years until a descendant and namesake of Henry effected it so he could divorce one wife and marry five more, but ironically, both Henry II and Henry VIII managed to create martyrs named Thomas. (And as an interesting epilogue, Guy describes how Henry VIII also had Thomas Becket's body exhumed from its tomb at Canterbury and burned as a traitor to his liege lord.)

So then, was Henry the villain, and Thomas the clear hero of the story? Again, by modern sensibilities, hardly. Guy does provide at least one sordid little detail from Thomas's early career as a minor clerk in Archbishop Theobald's household (pp. 129-30). At the time, Archbishop Theobald's Archdeacon was one Roger of Pont l'Eveque, who was later consecrated as Archbishop of York, by long tradition the second most powerful Church leadership position after the Archbishopric of Canterbury itself. As it happened, though, during his archdiaconate Roger was a pedophile who had for a number of years abused and sexually assaulted a young boy at Canterbury known only to history as Walter. When Walter finally grew up enough to try to expose the sins of his seducer and tormentor, Roger had him blinded; then, when the wretched boy complained to the secular court, the illustrious Churchman and prospective bishop bribed the judges and had him sentenced to death and hanged. None of this came out in the open until after Thomas Becket was dead. Why? The main reason is that Archbishop Theobald ordered the matter covered up to save the reputation of the Church (and himself, for allowing his archdeacon to turn his household into a sorry little Sodom and Gomorrah) and that THOMAS BECKET WAS THE PRINCIPAL ENGINEER OF THE COVERUP ON ARCHBISHOP THEOBALD'S ORDERS. And who succeeded to the Archdiaconate of Canterbury under Theobald, after Roger left for York? You guessed it: Thomas Becket, and it was in this position as Theobald's Archdeacon that the newly-crowned Henry II tapped Thomas to be his Chancellor. The whole story was finally leaked by a monk after Thomas's murder at Christmas 1170, in response to Roger's subsequent cronyism with Henry II and his enmity to his former protector Becket.

Well. If many a Churchman, since and no doubt before, has been guilty of the same crime as was Roger of Pont-l'Eveque, sadly, many more have been likewise guilty of Theobald's and Becket's crimes of sweeping the scandal under the rug for the sake of Clergy and Church. So there really are no heroes or villains to this story; but then again, few either then or now fit perfectly into either category. Most of us, even the most famed of historical figures, lie somewhere on a line between the two, depending on our own complexities and those of the times in which we live and act. This may be the reason why Thomas Becket's story is still so fascinating even after almost nine hundred years. And after all, perhaps Thomas did manage to atone for his sins in the moment Richard Brito's sword split his skull and sprayed his brains across the floor of Canterbury Cathedral. He may have had it coming, but then again, who doesn't?
7 people found this helpful
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The best biography of Becket to date

Finally! Becket is one of the most intriguing characters in history, yet until now there has not been a biography of him that I could use in the classroom, a problem I have had more widely in finding well-written, well-researched books on medieval England. Most are too long, some are too speculative, and others just plain boring with long detailed accounts of constitutional history that leave not only my students, but also me, in something of a stupor. I have just read this remarkable book written, perhaps not surprisingly because of the lack of the issues I just mentioned, by a specialist on Tudor England. That may account for some of its strengths, because there are certainly echoes of these issues in the relationship between Henry VIII and Thomas More, and an even more serious class with the church, in the sixteenth century.

There are an exceptionally large number of original sources from the twelfth-century England, all of which have to be understood and weighed for their value in understanding the relationship between Henry II and Becket, Becket and the other bishops, and church vs. state. Too many earlier biographies (including shorter ones) have weighed down the story with constant mentions of the different (usually monastic) chroniclers of the period, losing the fascinating potential for storytelling about this conflict in the process.

By contrast, John Guy knows his sources thoroughly, but writes with ease and fluidity to lead the reader into the story of Becket and Henry. He even includes some fascinating (if oddly humorous) background details that I hadn't known, e.g., about the beginnings of the Anarchy, and why the future disputed King Stephen managed to escape drowning on the White Ship. (Every student I have will remember that detail.) The book is 350 pages plus text, but is a fast read for all that.

I am not convinced by all of Guy's arguments. While he certainly does not try to whitewash Becket, I think he's a bit too hard on Henry and the other bishops, many of whom are frequently described as 'slippery.' And without getting into the potential constitutional merits (too much of which would have ruined the book) of what occurred at Clarendon and Northampton, I think he understates the changes in the judicial system of England started by Henry's great-grandfather and grandfather (William and Henry I) and carried forth by Henry II. Although certainly overshadowed by the lurid death of Becket, a bit more consideration of the positive future aspects of Henry's changes could have been considered without a complete dismissal of their importance. Guy delves into the personal relationship of the men (and happily includes the counsel of the Empress Matilda, Henry's mother, which was crucial at certain points), yet doesn't IMHO consider enough the issue of expectations of loyalty (on both sides) in this period where personal loyalties could be paramount -- or their repercussions for major issues.

This is an outstanding biography, the best I have read, and I hope John Guy will continue to write further books on medieval England.
6 people found this helpful
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good read, from a novist's point of view

I have only recently developed an interest in English history, so this is not meant to be an academic review. I found the book very readable and informative. It has inspired me to more reading in this area of interest. It appears very well researched, and was a great resource for my fledgling venture into history of that era.
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Good Read

If you don't know anything about Thomas Becket, this is an excellent place to find a thorough biographical treatment. Guy covers a lot of ground and makes interesting points about the fascinating and troubled relationship between Becket and Henry II. I had done quite of bit of research on Becket and Henry over 20 years ago and I didn't find much in this volume that I didn't already know, but it was nonetheless a good read with some insights, particularly about the similarity between the books in the libraries of both Thomas Becket and Thomas More, both of whom had mortal disagreements with their respective monarchs, both named Henry. I recommend it also for anyone interested in the larger issues of this period, since the Becket/Henry dispute spills over into France and the Papacy as well.
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a reasonable fresh approach to Becket

A decent re-evaluation and well-balanced interpretation of the many extant sources. Much of the reasoning rings much truer than some of the oft repeated opinions of recent work. A positive contribution in understanding a notorious watershed moment in medieval history.
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A full and rounded picture...

Written in a way that is very accessible to the non-historian, this book gives a full and rounded picture of the life of Thomas Becket and the politics of the court of Henry II.

Throughout the book, the author fills out the political and social background to the events of Becket's life, so that we see the contrast between Becket's relatively humble origins (coming from what would now be thought of as the middle-class) and the exalted court and religious circles in which he later moved. Guy suggests that his lack of an aristocratic background played its part in Henry's attitude towards him and subsequent fury at Becket's refusal to submit to his will.

As someone who knew only the bare bones of the Becket story, I felt that the author explained very clearly the different political strands that contributed to his eventual fate - Henry's ambitions in Europe, the involvement of King Louis of France, the ongoing schism in the papacy. Relying throughout on original sources, Guy gave a convincing picture of how Becket was seen by his contemporaries, both friend and enemy. He also looked at how Becket's story had been written over the centuries, pointing out where he felt that inaccuracies had crept in and going back to the original sources to support his own interpretation.

But although this is clearly a scholarly, well-researched book, it is so well written that it reads almost like a novel; the lead up and execution of the murder were particularly finely done. For a non-historian like myself, this is exactly how history should be presented - assume no knowledge on the part of the reader, fill in all the necessary background, give a picture of the wider society and tell the whole thing in an interesting way. An excellent read - highly recommended.
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Who Was Thomas Becket?

John Guy explores the life and trials of Thomas Becket.

Viewing the disputes from a 900 year distance may be impossible. They can be interpreted as they have for centuries as a battle for an independent church but there are obvious elements of a petty turf war, class resentment and a basic personality clash. Whatever is at the core, it is clear that the issues between Thomas Becket and Henry II had no easy resolution.

Our 21st century mentality easily condemns Henry who doesn't hesitate to destroy the lives and livelihoods of bystanders and tends to honor Becket as the common man who stood up against power and tyranny. That it ended with not just a murder, but a heinous one, in a cathedral, during Christmas week, with many witnesses, forced Henry to give the church everything Becket had demanded. Becket became a martyr, a status that lasts to this very day.

Could Becket have handled this in a different way? The route he took, risked the favored position of the church. He made life difficult for his supporters. Others besides him died, many were imprisoned. 400 family and associates lost their homes and possessions; exiled to France they were left to make their way on foot. Had he not died in so sordid a fashion, what would have come of the church and his supporters?

The initial chapters that introduce Becket, his family and his rise to power are the most readable. Given the paucity of the record, there are a lot of "could have" or "might have" phrases that describe the nature of the times and Becket's potential life and lifestyle. As Becket rises in the ranks, the descriptions are better documented. Most interesting is the pp. 94-6, describing Becket's official mission to France.

The parallel story of Henry is better documented and; therefore, can be and is presented in a more declarative fashion.

The disputes are at the heart of the book covering 2/3 of the text, making the book more of a history than a biography. Guy's presentation is highly technical. The fine bargaining points are part of the story, and Guy puts effort into making it more readable (for instance using modern English in his quotes). I would have been happier with summaries, but that is not the nature of this book.

The final chapter, "Martyr" gives a good analysis of the aftermath and Becket as symbol through the ages.

The illustrations are well chosen. They are of the things the reader wants to see. I think the choices (surely based on cost) of what would be color and what would be black and white were excellent.
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John Guy's work

John Guy does a masterful job of explaining the era of Thomas Becket. The book's development is clear to the point yet provides detail. His research shows, and he provides
information for the reader to further explore Becket, if desired. Where the Historical record is not clear Guy points to the possibilities Within the realm of His research. I enjoyed the book so much that I plan to read more of Guy's writings.
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Pleasurable Scholarship

I confess I like a good historical novel and it was just such that presented Becket as a hopeless ascetic that roused my curiosity about the man. The opposite of that fictional presentation is the movie, which is brilliant but also wildly off base about both Henry II and Thomas Becket, who was more Norman than his king.

I appreciate how Guy looks at possibilities or disparate narratives and is able to parse either the likelihood or the most reliable chronicler. This is an important study in understanding England's first empire and how fragile Rome's hold over the country was some 400 years before Henry VIII.
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